Photography by Nigel Parry/CPI
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No Ordinary Courage
By Beth Brophy, May & June 2004
John McCain tells what makes a true American hero
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As both an outspoken critic of the political establishment and one of its
leading members, Republican Senator John McCain of Arizona, 67, occupies a
unique position in American politics. Maverick. War hero. A leader who votes
his conscience, not along party lines. As such, McCain appeals to a wide
spectrum. In 1998, he was reelected for his third Senate term with nearly 70
percent of the vote; 40 percent of the Democrats jumped party lines to support
McCain over his Democratic opponent.
Now McCain has published a new book, Why Courage Matters: The Way to a
Braver Life, written with Mark Salter (Random House). It's a topic he
knows a bit about: The son and grandson of four-star Navy admirals, McCain had
a 22-year career as a naval aviator. In 1967, he was shot down over North
Vietnam and was held as a prisoner of war in Hanoi until 1973. His naval honors
include the Silver Star, Bronze Star, Legion of Merit, Purple Heart, and
Distinguished Flying Cross.
From his office at the Russell Senate Office Building, decorated with a
southwestern theme, McCain discussed the role of courage in American life and
politics.
Q. How real is the threat of terrorism in everyday life for most
Americans?
A. The threat is real. We are vulnerable in ways that we have never been
before. But to allow that threat to dictate the conduct of our lives is not
only a lack of courage; it's a victory for those who are our enemies.
Q. For example?
A. Many Americans now are afraid to fly on an airplane or travel overseas.
Some of that is legitimate and some is not. Some people live with fears that
they never experienced before, and that has some debilitating effect on them.
I'm not saying you go through your life carefree and happy-go-lucky. But
recognize that there's a concern there, channel it, and overcome it.
Q. Your book implies that courage is in short supply these days.
A. There are fewer manifestations of courage today than when I first came to
Congress nearly 28 years ago. I attribute it to polarization between the two
parties and to the fear of offending major special interests—which can be
very harmful to one's political career.
Q. Looking over your life of public service, what do you consider your
least courageous act?
A. I suppose my improper assistance to Charles Keating [who pled guilty to
bankruptcy and wire fraud after the collapse of Lincoln Savings and Loan, which
he owned, in 1989], which enmeshed me in the Keating firestorm. The fact that I
went to a meeting with an immediate disclaimer that I wanted no special
assistance for Mr. Keating, at the time, I thought, was sufficient. It
wasn't.
Q. What do you consider your most courageous political act?
A. As a freshman congressman when I voted against a resolution proposed by
the Reagan administration to send troops to Beirut.
Q. What about your years as a prisoner of war?
A. It didn't take a lot of talent for me to get shot down. Once I was
there, I just did the best that I could. I didn't always live up to my
expectations for myself. Luckily, in prison I had others whose strength and
persistence were vital to my abilities. Without those comrades I never would
have survived, much less conducted myself in an honorable fashion.
Q. You're the father of seven children and the grandfather of four.
In a world where public figures often behave badly, how can parents and
grandparents teach the younger generation to be courageous?
A. By being with your children and doing things together, and showing them
examples of courage and the right way to lead their lives, particularly before
they become teenagers and other influences dominate their time and attention.
You have to get in early. My 15-year-old son spends untold hours with an
interactive video in his hand—which I'm sure improves his hand-to-eye
coordination but nothing else. I had much more influence on him in the first 12
years of his life than I do now.
Q. So how do you get their attention?
A. I try to go someplace with them, because when they're home they sure
as heck don't want to spend time with me. They want to be with their pals.
They want to go to the mall. So if I take them on a trip to the Grand Canyon,
they can't—and we're together. Nothing was more boring to me when
I was a young boy than my father sitting me down for a talk. But nothing was
more fun than to travel and do something together. The important thing is to
interact with your kids rather than have them just sit there and think about
other things.
Q. What are your thoughts about the courage required to sustain
relationships, marriages, and friendships?
A. Having had one failed marriage, I don't feel too qualified to discuss
inter-personal relationships except to say that sometimes you know what the
right thing to do is, and even if it's hard to do, it does require some
courage and there can be consequences. My closest and dearest friends are those
whom I was in prison with—those are the enduring relationships of my
life.
Q. In your book, you make a distinction between courage and physical
bravery. How are they different?
A. Physical bravery is often a reaction to a situation, particularly in
combat. It's incredibly laudable, but it's a different kind of courage
from when you're given a conscious decision to make that may entail the
loss of everything that you hold dear. That kind of courage is
incomprehensible. There are several examples of that in my book, including the
heroics of Special Forces Master Sergeant Roy Benavidez, a Green Beret who
nearly died saving the lives of his buddies in Vietnam in 1968, and Congressman
John Lewis (D-Georgia), a civil rights leader who has been one of my
heroes.
Q. This time around, you're supporting President Bush. How does he
stack up on your courage index?
A. Throughout history, the events make the person as well as the person
making the events. I give him great credit for the way he conducted himself on
September 11. September 12, I saw him grow. He assumed the mantle of leadership
in a time of crisis.
Q. What are your biggest differences?
A. The biggest problem now is fiscal irresponsibility. We've dug a debt,
a hole, for our children that is in my view unconscionable, because both
Medicare and Social Security cannot be sustained under the present situation.
He wants to send people to Mars, and yet I see no point in it with the looming
deficit. So those are the kinds of differences.
Q. It has been said that Enron and Tyco and the WorldCom scandals have
changed us more profoundly than 9/11. Do you agree?
A. No. But Enron, WorldCom, et cetera, have shaken the fundamental faith
that many Americans had in corporate America, which has gone from being held in
widespread respect to near-universal contempt. Corporate leaders showed their
lack of courage to stand up for what they knew was right. Not a single one of
these individuals who have abused the public trust was ignorant of the
illegalities of their actions.
Q. You've been called a "Republicrat." Are you becoming
more liberal?
A. I am a committed Republican and will remain so. I am a Republican of the
Abraham Lincoln-Theodore Roosevelt garden variety, and I want my party to move
back to those principles and practices. Our party has left those principles in
a number of ways, including environmental issues. We've become captive of
special interests such as the National Association of Manufacturers and other
big corporate interests—which prevents us from addressing those
issues.
Q. Your home state is a haven for retirees. You will be 68 this summer.
What are your retirement plans?
A. I'm running for reelection.
Beth Brophy is a Washington, D.C.-based journalist and novelist.
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